Theory, models, and the issue of realisticness

โ€œEconomists are in the process, it seems, of refashioning their central economic character,โ€ wrote Morgan (2006). Morgan hypothesizes that the economic man periodically undergoes radical changes in character, particularly in light of advancements in behavioural economics and neurological research. He envisions this new economic man as a โ€œwell-rounded and more interesting characterโ€”one who can learn, bargain, act strategically, has memory, and may even be happy.โ€ This new economic man will be more โ€˜realโ€™ than all previous versions.

However, in this paper, I argue that a more realistic economic man offers no clear benefit. Instead, economic models function more effectively when economic man remains a simplified construct. It doesnโ€™t matter if the economic man accurately represents real peopleโ€”what matters is that he helps make the theory work.


First, a theory, by its very nature, is a simplification of the real world and is never intended to be an exact representation of reality. The core function of economic theory is to model complex phenomena, rather than to replicate them in their entirety. Posner (1993A, p. 77) wrote that โ€œwe should be pragmatic about theory. It is a tool, rather than a glimpse of ultimate truthโ€. Theories are important in enhancing our understanding of how the real world operates and often pave the way for new discoveries. It serves as a foundation for thinking. Thus, a more realistic economic man persona may potentially overcomplicate the theory.

Second, human character and traits are highly diverse. With an estimated 117 billion people[i] having lived on Earth so far, creating a universally applicable persona would be extremely challenging. Just as Morgan critiques Adam Smithโ€™s economic man for his reductive focus on propensities โ€œto truck, barter, and exchangeโ€โ€”or Millโ€™s homo economicus as a โ€œlazy, miserly, but entirely effective Scroogeโ€โ€”one could similarly critique Morganโ€™s own conception of a more โ€œwell-rounded and interestingโ€ economic agent. Moreover, it is unclear how an ‘interesting’ persona is defined, as there is no common agreement on what makes a person interesting. Another key issue is that while Morgan argues that โ€œmotivation and preferences are equally importantโ€ for the economic man, he does not describe these traits in detail in his own version of the new economic man.”

Finally, a highly realistic economic man is rarely necessary for building economic theory. After all, economic theory is concerned with the mechanics of the economy, not the complexities of individual behavior. Knight (1915) argued that โ€œthis ideal figure of economic science does not help to describe actual economic behavior,โ€. Knight emphasize that โ€œthe point was not to establish what real people do, but to establish what this model man would do inside an economic theoryโ€. Rather than striving for realism, the strength of economic man lies in his ability to simplify complex phenomena, making theories more precise and applicable.

In conclusion, as Maki (1994) sharply observed, โ€œany theory is bound to isolate a small slice of the world from the rest of reality.โ€ Therefore, it is imperative to prioritize realisticness assumptions, particularly the role of isolation, over the pursuit of an idealized version of the future economic man. By emphasizing realism, economic theories can ultimately serve as more robust tools for understanding the complexities of the real world.

Reference

  1. Morgan, M. S. (2006). Economic man as model man: ideal types, idealization and caricatures. Journal of the History of Economic Thought, 28(1), 1-27.
  2. Mรคki, U. (1998). Against Posner against Coase against theory. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 22(5), 587-595.
  3. Mรคki, U. (2001). Models: Philosophical Aspects. International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 9931โ€“9937.
  4. Mรคki, U. (1994). Isolation, idealization and truth in economics. Poznan Studies in the Philosophy of the Sciences and the Humanities, 38, 147-168.
  5. Musgrave, A. (1981). โ€˜Unreal assumptionsโ€™ in economic theory: the fโ€twist untwisted. Kyklos, 34(3), 377-387.
  6. Mรคki, U. (2000). Kinds of assumptions and their truth: shaking an untwisted Fโ€twist. Kyklos, 53(3), 317-335.
  7. Sugden, R. (2000). Credible worlds: the status of theoretical models in economics. Journal of economic methodology, 7(1), 1-31

[i] https://www.prb.org/articles/how-many-people-have-ever-lived-on-earth/


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